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23 September 2014

No a bad outcome

The general election delivered New Zealand a morally discredited National Party Prime Minister and spared it a Labour Party Prime Minister who would have quickly disappointed the nation just as surely as he has disappointed his own Labour Party colleagues.   The result on the night has also put paid to the misguided parliamentary ambitions of the far left, which can now get down to working among and for the deprived and alienated mass of their people - if they have a mind to.

I do not share the conviction of the pundits that the failure of the left can be solely or even largely attributed to its curious liason with Kim Dotcom.  Dotcom himself has been quoted as saying "I take full responsibility for this loss tonight because the brand Kim Dotcom was poison for what we were trying to achieve, and I did not see that before and it only became apparent to me in the last couple of weeks." and most commentators have taken him at his word.  There are few things more convincing than a heartfelt mea culpa. But even an allegation supported by a confession should still be subject to scrutiny.  John Key is happy to lay blame for the humiliation of the left at the palatial door of his personal bete noire and Dotcom, who has an ego to match his physique, naturally sees himself as the principal actor in the electoral farce.   But  other factors, and other possibilities, need to be considered.   The more visceral revelation of the Australian "random decapitation plot" might have had a bearing on the outcome of an election in which mass surveillance by the state and its purported justification, international terrorism, was a significant issue.   Elections are won by appeals to fear and greed, and much fear was generated among the New Zealand public by the Australian story of an Islamist plot to carry out random killings on city streets.  In such a climate, many voters, including the liberals and left-wingers, swing towards more authoritarian right-wing policies.  That is just one possible factor which should be considered in any objective analysis of the election.  It is simplistic to say that it was all the doing of Kim Dotcom and the odds are that even without the Dotcom factor in the electoral equation, the left would have been defeated.

New Zealanders over the age of 60 will have noted  the uncannny resemblance between the Kim Dotcom campaign and the political theatrics of the young Tim Shadbolt.  Dotcom is an opportunist, an egoist and a showman.  His saving grace is that unlike the politicians to whome we have grown accustomed, he is candid, genuine and doesn't take himself too seriously.  Those characteristics have him treading a fine line between ingenuousness and immaturity.   The "f* John Key" episode was reminiscent of radical student politics and politicians - amusing to some but off-putting to many more.    John Key was on the mark when he dubbed the Dotcom campaign a "sound and light show".   As a piece of theatre it was sometimes amusing, occasionally distasteful, and often seriously informative.  Many were happy to watch the show without any intention of casting a vote for the Internet-Mana party.  Those of us who were not impressed by his wealth still owe him a debt for lifting the lid on the ugly goings on within the New Zealand political system.  Without Kim Dotcom, John Banks would never have been brought to justice.   (Credit must also go to retired accountant Graham McCready who initiated the prosecution of John Banks for corrupt practice, after the New Zealand Police, which had become deeply involved in the government-led cover-up of political corruption, refused to bring a case against Banks).  The sad fact is that it took an outsider to expose the web of corruption which infests the New Zealand political system.

I doubt whether Dotcom's wealth or his German origins (objections raised by Sue Bradford) seriously counted against him.   If New Zealanders were generally suspicious of wealth as such, they would not vote for John Key, and if they were were strongly nationalist they would not support a political system which consigns New Zealand to the pocket of foreign powers such as the United States of America and the United Kingdom of England, Scotland and Northern Ireland.  Which brings us to the last and best outcome of the general election: the one million who boycotted a corrupt and degenerate electoral system by choosing not to vote.  The challenge now will be to develop positive alternative modes of social and political organisation.

23 September 2014

Rumour put to rest.

There is an unsigned building in Lady Ruby Drive, East Tamaki which resembles a pocket-size NSA Data Center.   I believe that this is the building referred to in the item published on this website on 21 September.   It has about 5000 square metres of floor, and is owned by Arawata Assets Ltd, which is a wholy owned subsidiary of the ANZ Bank.

However

Thus there is a reasonable presumption that the Lady Ruby Drive building is not connected with the NSA.  Those who wish to satisfy themselves that the building nothing more than a warehouse can look at the site on Google Earth (which shows a picture of the building under construction, about 5 years ago, with no more recent images available).  Any resemblance to a high security NSA Data Center may be coincidental.

The state television organisation TVNZ website reports (http://tvnz.co.nz/national-news/there-no-nsa-spy-bases-in-nz-gcsb-boss-6081819)"
" He (Edward Snowden) told those at the event that there are NSA facilities in New Zealand, with one in Auckland, and another in the north of the country.
Mr Key told media today that the director of the GCSB has told him to his knowledge there are no NSA bases on New Zealand soil.
The National Party leader said he does not believe there are NSA operatives in New Zealand, and challenged those making the claims to show physical evidence of "these mythical spy bases".
Former GCSB boss Bruce Ferguson told TV ONE's Breakfast programme that Mr Snowden was "hyping it all up" and that the message he portrayed was in his view "misleading and wrong".
He said there was "no credibility whatsoever" in the claim that there were NSA facilities in Northland and Auckland, and says when he heard this last night "any remaining credibility that I had in these people just went right out the window".
"Certainly if it happened in my time I was totally absolutely unaware of Americans or anyone else for that matter setting up spy bases in Auckland or in the North. That's a bunch of rubbish."

In short, an overwhelming volume of official denial that there is any NSA spy base in Auckland.

21 September 2014

Rumour?

There is an uncorroborated rumour that: the United States National Security Agency established a center of operations in East Tamaki, with the approval of Helen Clark's Labour government.  Winston Peters who evidently has knowledge of the facility, was Minister of Foreign Affairs in the Clark government at the time the base was established.  Construction commenced about 2008.   The deal between the Clark government and the United States NSA would have done no harm to Clark's ambitions to take the top job in the United Nations Development Program after her administration was rejected by the New Zealand electorate in the 2008 general election.
All rather speculative, but state secrecy inevitably gives rise to public speculation.

19 September 2014

Dirty politics, mass surveillance and why they might not make a difference.

A young man canvassing for the National Party told me today that his party would win the election because New Zealanders are only interested in what goes into their "hip pocket".  Cynicism?  Undoubtedly, and a regrettable quality to find in the young, who we have always rather generously tended to credit with "youthful idealism".   Yet, for all that he may be right.  Not with respect to all New Zealanders, because a significant number among them still hold to a set of principles of one kind or another, but perhaps he was speaking for more than himself.  He may even speak for a majority of New Zealanders.   If  John Key's popularity is undented by revelations that he is dishonest and has deceived the public, then we may have to conclude that many New Zealanders actually admire such duplicity, which probably means that they themselves are willing practitioners of the art of deception.  If that is the situation, there is no simple and easy way out of the impasse.  No political speech, no editorial and no election campaign could be sufficient to expunge moral turpitude from the national psyche.   Those who want more principled politics, and that would seem to be primarily people from the left, such as Nicky Hagar, will have to find other ways to that end.   Simply exposing the moral iniquities of their antagonists will not do the trick.   In order to effectively discredit people like John Key, it would be necessary to raise the moral standards of the nation as a whole, and the dilemma of the left is that it is ill-placed to take on that challenge.   The left is fundamentally liberal, secular and materialist.  It promotes the doctrines of pragmatism and moral relativism.   However sincerely the left may abhor National Party duplicity, it cannot mount a concerted and effective offensive on John Key's administration because the fact is that Prime Minister John Key is not very different to his political antagonists on the left.  He is just one more liberal, secular, pragmatic materialist.
The same argument applies to way in which the left, through Glenn Greenwald, Edward Snowden and others have exposed Key as a compliant tool of the United States government.   There is really no denying that this is the case.  When Sir Bruce Ferguson, former head of the GCSB, declared vehemently and repeatedly that Edward Snowden was "a traitor to his country", one would have thought "Surely this is an American speaking?  Who but a US citizen would declare with such fury that this man, who has not been charged with treason, is in fact a traitor to his country, and who but a US citizen would be so visibly affronted by Snowden's actions?"  The answer of course is "Sir Bruce Ferguson and, with him, the entire New Zealand military and security-intelligence apparatus".   The reason is that Ferguson, and those like him, have no concept of loyalty to New Zealand.   For the past two centuries New Zealand's rulers have been possessed by a colonial mentality which compels them to serve the interests of the imperial powers - first Britain, and now the United States.   The left has perhaps a glimmer of understanding that our people may have interests separate from those of the United States or Britain, but lacks the courage to do anything about it.  If David Cunnliffe were to become Prime Minister for the next three years he would serve the interests of the United States with almost as much devotion as does John Key.   If Hone Harawira is returned as the Member for Tai Tokerau he will swear allegiance to the British Queen along with 119 politicians including those from National, Labour, New Zealand First, the Green Party and any others who are lucky enough to win themselves a seat in the chamber.
A friend recently arrived from Iran put to me the question that would have been in the mind of many who do not quite understand this country: "Why do you need an ex-patriate German millionaire under threat of extradition, an American journalist residing in Brazil, a fugitive former American spy seeking sanctuary in Russia, and an Australian holed up in the Ecuadorian embassy in London to lift the lid on New Zealand politics?  Why aren't there New Zealanders who can do this?"
The assumption on which the question is based is not entirely fair.   There are thousands of New Zealanders who want to know the truth and to tell the truth.  1600 of them packed that Auckland Town Hall on Monday night, and another 800 were left standing outside when the "house full" sign went up.   But in the normal course of things those people are given no opportunity to have their voices heard outside of their own acquaintance.  The regime is quite effective at downplaying the sense of public unease, and silencing those who might be in a position to speak up and speak the truth.   The state broadcaster, Radio New Zealand, with its propensity for telling somewhat less than half the truth, told its listeners that "about 1000" people attended the Dotcom "sound and light show", thus accentuating the  false impression that New Zealanders don't really care about what is being done in their name.
The pundits may be right.  Dirty politics and mass surveillance may not make much impression on the outcome of tomorrow's parliamentary election.  However, a  corrupt regime, even one supported by a large and compliant or complicit segment of the population, will not endure forever.  It may get away with these things for the moment, but that "success" will only make its eventual destruction all the more certain.
Aside from the regime's dirty politics, mass surveillance of its citizens and secret deals with foreign powers the only other news from the election campaign was the surprise appearance of an old acquaintance, Tame Iti, as a parliamentary candidate for the Maori Party.  Tame's decision to stand for the Maori Party, and the Maori Party's decision to take him on board, makes sense for both parties.   Tame gives the Maori party authenticity, while the Maori Party lends him respectability.  For Tame, who has beaten a track from left-wing radical activism to quasi-respectability as a Maori businessmen or cultural envoy and back again, the new aspiration for a seat in parliament, coming just months after a term of imprisonment on firearms charges, is pretty much in character.  For the Maori Party, it might make a significant difference.  Tomorrow will tell.
 

10 September 2014

Jamie Whyte gets it right

The ACT Party leader Jamie Whyte has pointed out that "our land" is not being sold to foreigners against our will.  He is quite right.  Lochinver Station, the example Whyte gives, is not mine.   The Stevenson family possess, occupy and hold legal title to Lochinver Station.   I do not own it and I do not occupy it.   The same applies to every other square inch of privately owned land in New Zealand, with the exception of the two thousand square meters of land at Te Ngae to which I hold legal title, which I occupy, and the possession of which I have successfully defended over two decades.

However, Whyte, who like most ideologues takes pride in consistency, is anything but consistent in this matter.  In the next breath he talks about the New Zealand state spending "our money" or "taxpayers money".   The state does not spend my money, anymore than the local Farmlands store does.   Once my money has passed over into the hands of another it is no longer mine,   The state spend its money as it sees fit.   Whether some of that money came through me in the first place is beside the point.  I do not control it, therefore it is not "mine", just as Lochinver Station is not "mine".  State assets are not "our" assets.  The state (officially "The Realm of New Zealand) is legally the property of the House of Windsor, and de facto under the control of the financial oligarchy,.

It is idle to talk about "our" land, "our" industries and "our" public assets unless we are willing to take practical steps to make that land, those industries and those assets collectively "ours".   From a practical and a legal viewpoint, I agree with Dr Whyte, but I do not share his assumption that there is a moral basis to the present distribution of wealth within New Zealand society.  I believe that every individual has the right to as much land as is necessary and sufficient to sustain themselves and their immediate family to a modest standard.  Everyone has the right to own a home, but not to own two, three or more.   No one - whether they be "New Zealander", American, Australian, British, Chinese, Israeli or German - should be allowed more or denied less.  If someone, regardless of nationality, elects to be kaitiaki to a larger holding, well and good, but they should not have the right, transferable or otherwise, to exclusive possession or the fruits of the land.

The real issue confronting us is the gross inequality of New Zealand society, which allows people like the Stevenson family to possess far greater wealth than is required to provide the necessaries of life while other New Zealanders live in a state of deprivation, frustration and occasional desperation.  "Foreign ownership" is at best a side issue, and at worst a distraction from the real problems of our society.
 

6 September 2014

New Zealanders should follow their monarch's example - to a point.

New Zealanders should follow the lead of their Head of State, Queen Elizabeth, by remaining aloof from the tawdry world of electoral politics, and refraining from casting a vote in the coming parliamentary elections.
In all other respects, however, they should abjure her example.   They should not turn a blind eye to the iniquities being perpetrated in their name.  They should not turn a deaf ear to the cries of distress from the poor, exploited and oppressed of the world. They should not remain impassive and silent in the face of greed and stupidity.  In short, they should do nothing to bolster or encourage this unconscionable regime, and everything within their power to bring it to an end.

5 September 2014

A "race-based" system? Divisions over race issues on the right of politics.

From 1940 through to 1990 the New Zealand right was united under the umbrella of the pragmatic "middle of the road" New Zealand National Party.  The party had its liberals and social conservatives, traditionalists and innovators but by and large it stuck to the middle ground, accepting gradual social reform in matters such as social welfare, capital punishment, marriage law and race relations while pursuing a policy in which state provision of economic infrastructure and social services combined with a market economy and a nascent economic nationalism co-existed with deference to the global economic and military power of Britain and the United States.   Significantly, National Party leaders were still speaking of and for  "the British race" into the nineteen-sixties and seventies, and it was openly acknowledged, with some degree of pride, that New Zealand was a race-based society, for the best and most benign of reasons.

That changed in the latter decades of the twentieth century as the economic and social consensus in the National Party came under strain from a changing global economy, alterations in the geo-political balance of power, and the economic reforms of the fourth Labour government, which had for a time outflanked National on its right.  Things have never been the same since.  The National Party remains the dominant political force, but there are now five "minor" parties on the right (actually two minor parties and three micro-parties) which bear witness to the sharpening of the contradictions previously blunted and softened by decades of mid-twentieth century pragmatism.

From the perspective of the National Party, the function of the minor parties (the Maori Party and New Zealand First) is to provide coalition partners in the event that National does not have the numbers in parliament to govern alone.  Relations with these parties have the potential to be fractious.  The function of the micro parties ("the cup of tea" parties, ACT, United Future and Conservative, which have a cosy relationship with the National Party) is to articulate conflicting positions which had previously been subsumed within the broad church of the National Party. Social liberalism is articulated by the ACT Party, social conservatism by the Conservative Party and immigrant multi-culturalism by the United Future Party.  Perhaps more importantly the micro-parties also function as social and electoral indicators.  A surge in support for the Conservative Party would suggest that National would have to tread more carefully on moral issues (marriage law, abortion, traditional family values, alcohol, gambling, illicit drugs and so on) while increasing support for ACT would signal scope for a policy shift in favour of greater social and economic freedoms, and a stronger United Future Party would suggest that more attention should be given to the aspirations of immigrant ethnic minorities.

Of the two minor parties on the right, the New Zealand First Party, represents the traditionalist reaction to each of these divergent micro-party trends.   It is economically and socially conservative.  It represents those of British and Maori descent who view the Treaty of Waitangi as the coalescence of two peoples into one.   New Zealand First is in fact  the present day incarnation of the orthodox National Party of the mid-twentieth century.  The last member of the right-wing coalition is the Maori Party, which stands in the tradition of prominent, though relatively isolated, Maori leaders aligned to the National Party, such as Sir James Henare and Sir Graham Latimer.

The fact that  ACT, United Future and the Maori Party were originally splinters from the Labour Party does not alter the fact that their true political home is on the right.  If anything, they sit much more comfortably with National than does New Zealand First, which is the only one among the five splinter groups to have emerged out of the National Party itself.

Even as five parties the right remains a surprisingly cohesive whole.  Pragmatism still predominates over ideology, and all six parties can accommodate to a broad right-wing political programme.   One issue on which they are unanimous is foreign policy.  All six support the close political and military  association with Britain and the United States and the constitutional ties between New Zealand and the United Kingdom through the institution of the British monarchy.

Foreign policy takes high political priority in New Zealand for two reasons.  First, because it is closely linked to trade (a former Prime Minister Robert Muldoon actually observed "New Zealand's foreign policy is trade") and second because New Zealand "national identity" is founded on its external connections.

The things that unite Maori and Pakeha (at least those Maori and Pakeha who support the current regime) are the Treaty of Waitangi and hence the sovereignty of the British Crown, and the military tradition historically manifest in such actions as the Anzac Gallipoli campaign and the campaigns of the Maori Battalion in North Africa.

The internal counterparts to the external events and associations which underpin New Zealand "national identity" are the struggle between British colonists and Maori tribes for sovereign authority, and the ensuing nineteenth century wars.   Thus New Zealand's internal history, and the actual forces at work within the country today, tend to undermine the notion of "national identity" on which the regime is based and for that reason "New Zealand national identity" is always referenced to external events and relationships and virtually never to New Zealand's own history or current situation.

The paradox of a "national identity" that can only be sustained by reference to wars in foreign theatres fought on behalf of foreign powers, and acts of subservience to foreign political institutions is but one manifestation of the fundamental racial contradiction afflicting New Zealand politics.

Another is the internal squabble on the right over "race-based" policies.  United Future, which has deliberately and quite opportunistically gone out to gain the support of ethnic minority immigrant groups, castigates New Zealand First as "racist".  New Zealand First for its part declares that it will not join  in coalition with a "race-based" party such as the Maori Party.  The ACT and Conservative parties  both campaign against what they call a "race-based" political system (specifically the existence of the Maori electoral seats in the House or Representatives), yet neither seeks to ask whether the constitutional provision which incontestably and for all time vests the office of Head of State in the British House of Windsor might not also be "race-based".

The simple reality is that the political system has been race-based since the day the colony of New Zealand was founded.   Until fifty years ago politicians from both ends of the political spectrum took pride in the fact that New Zealand was a race-based society.  Nothing has changed since, except for a growing sense of unease in the political subconsciousness.  The  arguments between the minor and micro right-wing parties over racial issues, show that race remains a fundamental issue in New Zealand society and the chief source of political division on the right.
 

25 July 2014

"Dance of the Peacocks"

While browsing the local opportunity shop recently I happened upon a copy of "Dance of the Peacocks: New Zealanders in exile in the time of Hitler and Mao Tse-Tung" by James McNeish.  For those who don't know, the book tells the story of five New Zealand Rhodes Scholars from the 1930s  - James Bertram, Ian Milner, John Mulgan, Geoffrey Cox and Dan Davin - whose names are reasonably well known to an older generation of New Zealanders.  In his book McNeish explores what these five had in common, which was quite a lot.  For a start, they were all intellectuals, hardly surprising given their status as Rhodes Scholars. More pertinently, all had leftist political sympathies, and took a prominent role, as "scholars and soldiers" to adopt Davin's phrase, in the anti-fascist struggle which erupted in the Spanish Civil War and reached a climax in the Second World War.

Through their writings (Mulgan's "Man Alone" and "Report on Experience", Bertram's "Crisis in China","Return to China" and works of New Zealand literary criticism, Cox's "The Defence of Madrid", "The Red Army Moves"and  "The Road to Trieste") these five had a significant  influence among  educated and leftist New Zealanders during the  post-war years.

Yet despite their intellectual brilliance, courage and determination, for the most part the "Peacocks" left no great legacy in this country.  Paddy Costello, the "Sixth Man" to McNeish's five peacocks, who was a brilliant linguist, speaking eight or nine languages including French, Italian, Greek, Russian and Persian, but apparently no Maori, seemed to hardly know New Zealand.  It is reported that his first visit to Wellington took place about the time that plans were in train to have him railroaded out of the New Zealand diplomatic service. Costello's and Davin's children, as talented and socially committed as their parents, were raised as Europeans, and have remained so.  Milner lived and worked as a university professor in communist Czechoslovakia for the post-war years and was childless.  Only Bertram, also childless, returned to live in New Zealand, where he lived out his years as a professor at Victoria University.

None of the six could be described as an "exile" in the normal sense of the word.  Although Milner and Costello were sacked from the state service because of their communist sympathies, all were more or less free to return to New Zealand if they had chosen.  The way McNeish puts it there simply wasn't a place for them in New Zealand. They did not fit.  New Zealand could not satisfy their aspirations, which says as much about the nature of their aspirations as it does about New Zealand.

It is a curiously significant fact that four of McNeish's six were shaped by two staunchly imperialist schools.  Mulgan and Costello attended Auckland Grammar School and Milner and Bertram Waitaki Boys' High School.  Cox was educated at Southland Boys High School, and Davin at a Catholic secondary school, also in Southland, where the imperial influence would have been less in evidence.  Whether  coincidence or not, Davin and Cox, who were not force-fed on imperialist doctrines, rose to prominence in Britain and had successful careers. Cox was knighted for his services to British journalism, and Davin received the CBE (Commander of the British Empire) for his work at the Oxford University Press.  Milner and Costello, on the other hand, who had been indoctrinated in the glories of empire, spent their lives working in foreign universities (Prague and Manchester respectively), shunned by the New Zealand government.  Bertram, another  Waitaki old-boy, finally succeeded in gaining an academic post in New Zealand despite intense political antagonism, and, arguably, in the face of his own mis-givings.

In any other colonial society - say on the Indian subcontinent, or in East Africa - six such intellectuals with Marxist leanings would have most likely been absorbed into, or become the leaders of, movements for national independence.  Instead, they became exiles.  The political intolerance, and outright persecution, to which Bertram, Costello, Milner and Mulgan were subject was a peculiarly colonial phenomenon.  Because those New Zealanders in positions of authority have no real sense of New Zealand as a nation unto itself, there is no way  in which they can perceive those of different political persuasions as still being "one of our kind".  Their touchstone is the doctrine of empire, and any challenge to that doctrine puts the challenger beyond the pale of acceptable society. In that respect the English themselves, who possess a history and a culture that precedes and exists independently of the imperial system, can be more tolerant and accommodating of political differences than the colonial authorities in New Zealand.

But the endemic alienation of New Zealand intellectuals in the twentieth century had just as much due to the with their world view as with the political intolerance of the governing classes.  Young New Zealanders of the time were cast into a particular mould.  Their thoughts, ambitions and aspirations were all directed towards Britain, British culture, and, through British culture, a wider European civilization.  The Rhodes Scholarship itself is the epitome of colonialism.  Its purpose is to point young men and women from the colonies towards England, the centre of the empire.

McNeish asks the question "Why did so few Rhodes Scholars return to New Zealand?" and fails to come up with a satisfactory answer.

The explanation, it seems to me, is quite simple.

The Rhodes Scholarship system was founded on the premise that the best education for a colonial was to be had at Oxford University.  For those who accepted the premise, and valued the life of the intellect, it must follow that to return to New Zealand would be to return to the second rate.  None of the "peacocks" could easily contemplate such a fate, and Bertram was the only one of the six who did in fact return - some would say to a life of academic mediocrity. The colonial education system which made such redoubtable scholars of these brilliant young men also destroyed their capacity to relate positively to their own country and their own people.  When they reacted against the ideology of empire propagated at Waitaki Boys High and Auckland Grammar, it was only to adopt a rival imperialist doctrines of Soviet Marxism.  New Zealand colonialism, as an adjunct of British imperialism, inspired a passion for the grand project, an all-embracing ideology and a global culture which, by the nineteen-thirties, British imperialism was no longer capable of satisfying.  Hence the pull of Marxism, followed, in the case of Cox, Davin and Costello, by a retreat into the rather more mundane reality of the post-war British intelligentsia.

Milner remained in Prague, to the end of his life, as a now somewhat disillusioned servant of the Czech state.   Cox and Davin were taken into the bosom of the British establishment, which is not to say that they rejected, or were rejected by, their folks back home.  For Bertram, returning to New Zealand was in part vindication, and in part a form of surrender.  Bertram, Milner and Costello remained more or less beyond the pale, while respected, admired and even loved by those New Zealanders who took a more independent stance to the world at large.

Mulgan, who could not face the prospect of surrender, whether by staying in Britain or returning to New Zealand, was dead.  Yet from among McNeish's "peacocks" it is his legacy, drawn from a brief life and resting on two short works, which history may record as having the greatest impact of all within our own country and upon our own people.
 

26 June 2014

"Intimate Partner Violence"

As with so much social and political discourse these days, there is a new phrase and an acronym for domestic violence - "Intimate Partner Violence, IPV" - with precious little in the way of reasoned analysis and debate.  There are also moves to institute an extra-judicial system for the management of "IPV"  which goes by the name of ODARA (Ontario Domestic Assault Risk Assessment).

Because ODARA is a proprietary system which is in the public domain, and hence is not subject to public scrutiny, it should not be allowed to  be turned into come a quasi-judicial instrument of state intervention in domestic relationships.   Both the rule of law and the law of reason require transparency in the administration of justice.  Public policy and administration should not be allowed to follow essentially secret systems or procedures.   I believe that is all that needs to be said about the New Zealand Police advocacy for the ODARA system.

The "risk factors" for "Intimate Partner Violence" as currently recognised by the New Zealand Police are at least a matter of public record.  They are:

1 Recent change in relationship status
2 Offender wanting to renew the relationship
3 Officer identifies / partner discloses psychological violence
4 Chronic violence in the relationship
5 Violence - increasing severity/frequency
6 Victim believes offender could kill or injure her
7 Offender has strangled the victim
8 Offender has threatened/attempted suicide
9 Offender has threatened to kill the victim or others
10 Offender has a history of violence against others
11 Offender has stalked the victim
12 Offender has exhibited sexual jealousy
13 Offender is recently unemployed / under financial pressure
14 Offender has history of drug / alcohol use
15 Offender has diagnosed mental illness
16 Offender has diagnosed personality disorder

It is useful to categorise these factors as follows:

Situational
Situational factors are directly causal. There is only one factor in this category, i.e.:
"Recent change in relationship status"

Circumstantial.
Circumstantial factors are not the direct causes of violence, but may pre-dispose to the use of violence.
There are four factors in this category:
"Offender is recently unemployed / under financial pressure"
"Offender has history of drug / alcohol use"
"Offender has diagnosed mental illness"
"Offender has diagnosed personality disorder"
Realistically, society can only reduce these circumstantial risk factors by programmes not directly related to "intimate partner violence", such as provision of full employment, economic equality, financial prudence, temperance, programmes to reduce or eliminate alchohol and other drug use, and ready access to quality mental health services.

State of mind.
State of mind factors are real undisputed indicators of the desires, thoughts and emotions of the offender.  The offender does not accept the situational change in his life ("Recent change in relationship status") and his response may be to contemplate violence towards himself or others.
There are three factors in this category:
"Offender wanting to renew the relationship"
"Offender has threatened/attempted suicide"
"Offender has threatened to kill the victim or others"
Intervention can work at persuading the offender that he should give up his desire to maintain the relationship, accept that the change is irrevocable, or find more constructive ways to attempt to resume the relationship.  However all such interventions, with the exception of the last, are problematic, and the last can be extremely difficult to effect.   Aldous Huxley's "brave new world" of casual sex remains a curious fiction.   People in general do not give up their intimate relationships lightly.  They continue to respond emotionally to specific situations and circumstances in ways that are predetermined by their fundamental nature, which includes elements of "possessiveness" and "sexual jealousy".   While it is possible to change the way people think and behave, psychological or political propaganda tends to have limited effect and only over a short period of time.   Persuading an offender that he should either not want to retain his relationship, or should not want it so badly as to contemplate extreme measures such as murder or suicide will not necessarily be easy.

Implied state of mind
Implied state of mind factors are those which point to the offender's state of mind without being overtly acknowledged by him, and they may be subject to differing interpretations.
There are two factors in this category:
"Offender has exhibited sexual jealousy"
"Offender has stalked the victim"
In the real world, sexual relationships are characterised by trust and fidelity on the one hand or jealousy on the other.
Sexual jealousy (of which stalking may be one expression and private investigations another more socially acceptable one) is a normal human trait, which, and is usually only manifest within a pre-existing intimate relationship.  It is an aspect of human nature which may be moderated, but not eliminated.

Inferred state of mind
Inferred state of mind is not acknowledged by the offender, and lacks an evidential basis.
There are two factors in this category:
"Victim believes offender could kill or injure her"
"Officer identifies / partner discloses psychological violence"
Inferred state of mind more problematic than implied state of mind.    "Beliefs" which may be genuine and well-founded, but are not necessarily either.   They may be feigned or unfounded.   Therefore from a legal and human point of view, beliefs need to be treated with considerable caution.
Perhaps more importantly, The category of "psychological violence" is yet another instance of re-writing the dictionary to merge distinctly different behaviours into a single broad and indiscriminate category.  This is to run counter to the process by which over the millennia human beings have come to more accurately describe, analyse and manage their world by making ever finer distinctions between things.
The distinctions between persuasion, intimidation, coercion and violence are important.  Without them we have no proper means of distinguishing between a mother guiding the behaviour of her child, the evangelist who turns up on the doorstep on a Saturday morning, the policeman shows his uniform in a public bar and the thug who carries out an unprovoked assault.   There must be a distinction between violence as the use of physical force (proscribed) and various forms of psychological control or persuasion (tolerated to varying degrees according to circumstances) if society is to function with any degree of freedom, harmony and personal engagement.  It is that simple.  There is nothing to be gained from redefining  "psychological abuse" ( "a form of abuse characterized by a person subjecting or exposing another to behavior that may result in psychological trauma, including anxiety, chronic depression, or post-traumatic stress disorder") as "psychological violence".
The phrase "frozen violence", attributed to G F Hegel,  may be a dramatic and even apt description of the nature of state power, but it does not confer the right to charge any particular state with employing "violence" against its citizens.   Judgement must be based on evidence with more substance than a fiigure of speech.
In any rational analysis, the category of "violence" itself must be subject to the further distinctions between "unprovoked assault", "aggression" or "assault" and "resistance" or "defence".. "Violence" is not a crime in New Zealand or any other jurisdiction.  The use of violence is conditionally permitted as a defence against assault in domestic law, and as a defence against aggression in international law while assault and aggression respectively are deemed to be unlawful.  The distinction is usually blurred for political reasons - for example one party to a dispute, most often the aggressor, may demand that the other party "renounce the use of violence", which is to say "renounce the right of self-defence".   In a society or a world where the "rule of law" applies, "assault" is deemed a crime and "violence" is not.  A  civilized order will not encourage violence even in self-defence, but it will tolerate violent resistance to assault where no other form of protection or defence is available to the victim..
The police case, and the public discussion of the problem of domestic assault, should follow the definitions and distinctions which have existed in common law from the beginnings of western civilisation.   They should not be based on the fashionable yet fallacious premise that  persuasion, coercion,  intimidation, self-defence and assault as though all are merely differing forms of "violence".
The drive to abolish distinctions is a phenomenon deeply rooted in the liberal psyche.   We saw it in Mike Moore's famous statement to the effect that "a chicken is just a bag of wheat in another form".   We saw it in the marriage debate, where liberals insisted that there is no distinction to be made between the procreative act of sexual intercourse and a host of other sexual practices associated with homosexuality and out of which the law has deemed that there is no distinction to be made between marriage between a man and woman and a homosexual relationship.  The global liberal project has constructed a new Tower of Babel in which "one tongue" and "few words" are deemed sufficient to serve the purposes of a universal ideology.   The effect is to inhibit thought and stymie debate, and the outcome will be confusion, factionalism and ultimate collapse.

Historical
Historical factors are "on the record" past offences.
There are four factors in this category:
"Offender has a history of violence against others"
"Chronic violence in the relationship"
"Violence - increasing severity/frequency"
"Offender has strangled the victim"
Historical factors are critical risk indicators, but are only relevant when no current offence has been committed.  If an offence has been currently committed, then that offence becomes the matter at issue, and the cause of response.  If no offence has been currently committed, then the vital question must be whether the prospective offenders current state of mind is congruent with his past record of offences, and that cannot be taken for granted in every case.   A history of offences provides some reason to suspect that further offences may follow and good grounds to determine how the offender should be treated in the event that he does commit a further offence, but it does not provide grounds on which to respond as though a new offence has been committed.

Now we come to the crux of the matter.  If the aim is to reduce intimate partner violence, then systems designed to identify potential offenders do not provide a humanly or legally satisfactory response.  The most direct means to reduce family violence would be through working on the causes - the situational and circumstantial factors.  Specifically, since "Recent change in relationship status" is the only cited situational cause of intimate partner violence, it makes sense to encourage permanence, implying a reduced emphasis upon freedom, in intimate relationships.

It is curious that the nature of the intimate relationship - for example defacto or legal marriage - does not figure among the risk factors.  Neither does ethnicity, which is known to be statistically associated with the frequency of domestic violence, or the religious persuasion of the offender and victim..   One suspects that these factors have been omitted from the list for political rather than statistical reasons.   Secular liberals might be embarrassed to discover that a legal or church union, or adherence to a particular religious belief, has a bearing, one way or the other, on the incidence of domestic violence.  Reasoning in the abstract, as liberals are prone to do, one can easily come to the conclusion that a committed long term family relationship is a committed long term family relationship regardless of whether that relationship has been sanctioned by church or state.   Yet if the statistics point to the contrary conclusion society should take note.  Religious persuasion is a more awkward subject, due to privacy concerns surrounding religious belief, the principle of separation of church and state and secular suspicion of religious movements.  Yet again the question needs to be addressed.  Can adherence to specific religious beliefs reduce or increase the risk of domestic violence?

Reduction in intimate partner violence will not come without cost, and the cost in this case is that commitment should be put before freedom.  Western secularism has forgotten, to its cost, that the original purpose of civil laws is not to impose arbitrary prejudices but to restrict those human behaviours which in the natural course incite passionate anger in others, with consequent disruption to the social order.  Other freedoms - the freedom to make, sell and consume alcoholic liquor, and various financial freedoms may also need to be sacrificed to the cause of family and social harmony.   Freedoms also come at a cost, and for New Zealand one of the costs of unrestricted sexual freedom has been intimate partner violence.   The liberal establishment believes that the cost can be got around through the use of psychological interventions, extra-judicial systems and vigorous repression of the more extreme manifestations of what are quite normal human passions.   I wish them well.
 

2 June 2014

Elliot Rodger and the matter of self-worth

Elliot Rodger was the 22 year old son of an affluent and liberal family Hollywood family.  He killed seven people, himself included, in Santa Barbara, California out of apparent frustration at his failure to form intimate relationship with anyone of the opposite sex.   Liberals will argue that these deaths were the result of unrestricted access to firearms.  The gun lobby will counter that "guns don't kill people, people kill people".

Both conservatives and liberals are right within their own terms of reference, yet both fail to see the whole picture. The gun lobby helps to provide an efficient means for killing people, but it is liberalism which provides the conditions in which men are psychologically motivated to kill randomly and indiscriminately. Some dismiss the killings as the act of a deranged man which cannot be subjected to rational analysis.  Others attribute the massacre to "misogyny".  Both claims can be refuted.  Rodger's "manifesto" was not irrational in the strict sense of the word, and his misogyny arose out of thwarted desire for rather than the intrinsic dislike of women which is true misogyny.

Most, if not all, mass killings are conducted by those who are thwarted in the pursuit of the happiness which they believe to be the right of every American, and every member of a secular liberal society.

Rodger was apparently denied the sexual favours of young women, to which he believed he had some entitlement.  Such a conviction could only arise in a mind of liberal persuasion, and, practically speaking, in a society which held to liberal values.   Rodger saw that the young women around him were free to distribute their sexual favours as they saw fit.  In his eyes, the measure of their sexual freedom  became the measure of their contempt for he alone who did not benefit from the exercise of their prerogative.

He could not have thought that way in a society where young women are not permitted to offer sexual intimacy except in marriage.  In that situation he would have seen women as restrained by law and custom, rather than exercising a  personal prerogative in wilful contempt of his value and needs as a human being. He would not have thought that way in a society where the pursuit of personal happiness was subordinate to the obligation to do good and follow the principles of religion, and he would not have acted as he did in a society where personal worth was measured by the capacity to restrain desire as much, if not more than, the capacity to gratify it.

Rodger was obsessed firstly with his own sense of self-worth, and secondly with the sexual gratification which he believed was a necesssary entitlement in consequence of his worth as an individual. In these respects he reflects the dubious assumptions of a liberal society, namely that self-esteem has significant value, personal happiness is the proper end of existence, and there is an implicit connection between individual worth and the attainment of personal happiness.

The Santa Barbara massacre was one young man's tragically misguided attempt to assert his self-worth in a society in which  personal gratification has become the only measure of value.

In liberal society there is a widespread mistaken belief that restrictive moral laws, regulations and customs are there to obstruct the road to personal happiness and for no good purpose, when in fact, laws are in place not so much to prevent the prohibited acts themselves, as the social consequences of such acts.  Every year in New Zealand a number of people, mainly women, will be killed for committing adultery, while in Iran, where adultery is a capital offence, such killings (and corresponding judicial executions) are rare.  When social sanctions are removed, personal passions will surface to fill the void, and conversely when social sanctions are imposed, personal passion is placed in check.  The liberal project has failed to come to terms with, or even to recognise that fundamental reality of human social existence.

Moral laws reflect the innate the human understandings of right and wrong, fairness and unfairness, and their one purpose is to preclude individuals from privately negating the consequences of perceived unfairness in ways which are inimical to the social order..

Liberals will quite rightly argue that no sense of personal grievance can justify murder, but they should not deny the reality that whenever a personal prerogative eclipses ancient law or custom, grievances will inevitably follow, often with tragic consequences.
 

12 May 2014

A fallen angel

In Judaeo-Christian-Islamic religious belief the character of Lucifer ("angel of light", "morning star", "star of the day" , "shining one" or "shining star") is associated with the "powers-that-be" or political authorities in the world symbolized by the city of Babylon. In the story, God cast Lucifer out of heaven because Lucifer, the angel of light, refused to submit himself to the archetypal human being, Adam.

There is a counter-intuitive subtlety to the story of Lucifer.   We might wonder why an angel should submit to a mere human being, even to Adam as the type of all humanity.   We might also see good and evil as intrinsically opposed to each other, and wonder how it is that an archangel, the  personification of good, could almost instantly be turned into the personification of evil.

This ancient story actually addresses the very modern problem of the proper place of ideology in the life of humanity.   From the moment when ideology, or for that matter theology, is allowed to prevail over simple humanity -  when  Lucifer refuses to submit to Adam - ideology starts to serve the cause of evil.    Jesus of Nazareth expressed the same idea in saying "The sabbath was made for man, not man for the sabbath".  He was not saying that the sabbath was of no use.  After all the sabbath was "made for man".  He was making a rather more subtle point, that ideology, even a "good" ideology, must not prevail over our simple human duty to feed the hungry or lighten the burden of the oppressed.

We may conveniently forget that for two decades prior to the Second World War there was great sympathy for fascism throughout Europe, the United States and the British colonies, including New Zealand.   Fascism was seen as the way to scientific and technological enlightenment, social order, material progress and healthy living.  To a degree, it was all those things.  But fascism fell from grace when the fascists came to believe that their ideology and the "light" that it brought to the world, should take precedence over the claims of common humanity.

Over centuries, rather than decades, European liberalism has made a similar progression from the heady freedom of the eighteenth century "Enlightenment" to the atrocities of Hiroshima, the Vietnam war, Mazar i Sharif, Fallujah, Abu Ghraib and Guantanamo Bay.  During this time its ideology and rhetoric has changed little.  Like Lucifer, it still presents a  radiant face to the world, but it has abandoned its association with God and no longer serves the cause of Man.
 

9 May 2014

Drugs and the liberal ideology

The liberal ideology rests on a combination of dogma (such as belief in the efficacy of an idealised free market) and pragma (such as the argument that people are naturally selfish and therefore idealistic social imperatives have no serious prospects).  Among the political classes and within the mass media both the dogma and the pragma of liberalism reign virtually unchallenged.   Parliamentary political parties of both the left and the right embrace the "free market" theory of capitalism, the "free love" theory of sexual relationship, and with certain pragmatic reservations, the "freedom to choose" approach to use of psychoactive substances.   Restrictions on the ability of the individual to enter into any kind of transaction - buying or selling labour, sex, drugs or political influence - are abhorred.  The "pursuit of happiness" is the sole social imperative.  This historic liberal consensus underlay Parliament's decision to establish a legal regime for the sale of synthetic cannabinoid drugs, by a vote of 119 for to 1 against.

However, while liberalism is now the sole ideology of the political classes in New Zealand, from the far right to the extreme left, neither the people nor the experts who have direct knowledge of social and economic reality, are able to be convinced by liberal dogma.  It was the opposition of an unimpressed public which forced Parliament to make a U-turn and effectively prohibit the sale of synthetic cannabinoids.   Public opinion, informed by direct experience of the evils that liberal dogma has inflicted upon society, was supported by those who have expert knowledge of the physiological effects of the drugs.  Dr Leo Schep of the National Poisons Centre came out in favour of prohibition saying "Prohibition works.  It works very well".  To the political establishment, Schep's comment is the ultimate heresy.  Yet he happens to be right.  Prohibition does work.  It does not work perfectly, but in the right context it works "very well".

Grant Hall, of legal high industry lobby "Star Trust", claimed in response that all forms of cannabis, including synthetics are "low-risk".  He cited alleged "propaganda against consumers of low-risk psychoactives" and insisted ''this discrimination needs to stop''.  Hall takes a classic liberal position.   He invokes the spectre of "discrimination" and implies that hostile propaganda is directed against the "consumers" of the drugs rather than the behaviour which we call "drug abuse".   Hall perfectly expresses, and is himself the perfect expression of, liberal dogma and pragma.  He is a man for sale, paid to enter the public debate on behalf of vested interests.  As was the case with the arguments in favour of homosexual marriage (and before that "economic de-regulation") he strives to create the impression that the debate concerns  the rights of individuals ("the consumers") and has nothing to do with fundamental principles relating to the general good.

At the same time the advocates of legal highs resort to blackmail, both emotional  ("if prohibition is imposed users will suffer horrific withdrawal symptoms") and social ("prohibition will lead to an explosion of crime as organised gangs take over supply and users steal or rob to support their addiction").   This is reminiscent of the emotional blackmail used support of changes to the Marriage Act, which boiled down to the claim that in the absence of state sponsored sodomy young men and women would kill themselves in great numbers.  Such claims are unfounded, dishonest and disgraceful.   The evidence, and impartial expert opinion, in the present case suggests that the nett social effect of prohibition will be positive.  It is time we had another Leo Schep to tell the political classes "We must discriminate between the good, the bad and the ugly and we must exercise judgement if we are to survive.  Dogmatic assertions that all substances and all behaviours should be subject to the same rules will not cut the mustard".

The state broadcaster, Radio New Zealand, which emphatically endorses liberal ideology to the exclusion of any other point of view, scored an own goal by broadcasting the response of a supposedly typical "legal high" consumer in which he articulated his lifestyle (staying home and getting high with his mates as often as possible) his priorities (buying cannabinoids takes precedence over access to health services)  and threatened response to prohibition (involvement in the illegal trade, and engagement in other criminal activities such as theft, burglary and robbery in order to sustain the illegal habit).   In fact this person is probably not typical of "legal high" users, and sustaining his particular approach to life does not merit any special social or legal provision.  That judgement does not amount to "discrimination" against the "consumer".   It is to be hoped that particular "consumer" will find a better more socially constructive purpose in life if his supply of drugs is removed.   The argument that he "cannot help himself" would be a self-fulfilling prophecy.  He must either help himself or suffer the consequences himself.   Society also has an interest in helping, but helping him to become a responsible member of the community - not helping him to pursue his own "personal choices" in life.
 

8 May 2014

Deceptions of  the drug trade
 

"Prohibition doesn't work".  This claim has been repeated so often that people have come to believe it is true.  Yet all the evidence shows that prohibition does work.   When manufacture, trade or use of any commodity is prohibited the supply and consumption of that commodity declines.   Demand also declines, because the social disapprobration implicit in legal prohibition discourages casual or experimental use of drugs.

"Organised crime takes over the manufacture and distribution of any prohibited commodity".  This is a truism.  If trade in a particular commodity is prohibited by law, then people who engage in that trade are by definition criminals.  However the reality is that organised crime is attracted to the commercialisation of  any kind of human vice, regardless of whether it is legal or illegal.  Both globally and locally criminal gangs are involved in the business of legal prostitution and gambling.  Unpleasant people become involved in unpleasant activities, and the people who have been involved in the legal trade in synthetic cannabis to this point have been at best amoral, and at worst thoroughly nasty types.  New Zealanders are being asked to pander to organised crime by legalising every form of human vice, and no society can afford to do that.

"We need to control demand.  Supply side control doesn't work".   This claim is disingenuous.   The liberals who argue against control of supply are the same people who try to justify "moderate" drug use on the grounds of personal gratification and social utility.   They don't want control of supply because they want to satisfy the demand.  They themselves do nothing to counter the demand for drugs.

"Regulation is better than prohibition".  Regulation puts the stamp of social approval on drug use, and creates the false impression that regulated drugs are "safe" drugs.  It gives a wide range of people and institutions (including merchants, regulators, politicians and the treasury) a financial stake in the drug industry, and thereby  a motive to maintain and expand the trade in drugs.  It provides a basis for the self-justifying tautological liberal catch-cry "It (prostitution/ gambling/ liquor/ tobacco/ synthetic cannabis) is a legal industry and therefore should not face any form of discrimination or hostile bias".

"Users will suffer severe withdrawal symptoms when drugs are prohibited"   That is true, but it is not a valid argument against prohibition.  Once social evils have been tolerated and allowed to take root in society, the process of returning to a more normal state of existence will involve considerable individual suffering and significant social costs, but the suffering and the costs of allowing the evil to continue unabated will be much much greater.   In 2008 liberal financial and economic  policies lead to a crisis in which financial institutions collapsed and thousands of New Zealanders lost their lifetime savings.  Would it have been practical to keep the credit flowing and maintain investors on a perpetual high?  It would not have been.   Those who were the essentially innocent, albeit misguided, victims of the financial institutions felt the pain, learned from the experience and moved on.  They had  a social safety net to save them from absolute destitution.   The same must apply to the users of synthetic cannabinoids.  The health system is there to help users, but it is the users themselves who must work through the pain of withdrawal and move on to a more independent and sustainable lifestyle.

6 May 2014

Sue and Hone meet Kim

The marriage of convenience between Hone Harawira's Mana Party and the radical pakeha left, in the likes of Sue Bradford and John Minto now looks likely to be replaced with another marriage of convenience, between Hone's Mana Party and Kim Dotcom's Internet Party.

Sue Bradford's response to the prospect of a Mana/Dotcom alliance is revealing.  She bags Dotcom for being a "multi-millionaire, neo-liberal German with a trail of convictions".

Yet Bradford also has a "trail of convictions".  I spent a night in the cells, along with Sue, then a 16 year old girl and thirty other activists in 1969 after we had successfully occupied the United States consulate in Auckland in protest against the US-led invasion of Vietnam, and that was the first of many convictions which Sue acquired in the course of a lifetime of political activism.

Dotcom is liberal.   Sue is also a liberal.

Dotcom is a multi-millionaire.  Sue is comfortably off, and even affluent by comparison to those dispossessed and downtrodden whose cause she champions.
Apart from his being "German" the differences between Bradford and Dotcom come down to degrees, and Sue's failure to come up with any absolute point of difference between herself and Dotcom is evidence of the shallowness of leftwing politics.

By the logic of the New Zealand political system, the alliance with Kim Dotcom makes sense for Mana.  Dotcom appeals to something in the NZ psyche.   He is an iconoclast, rebel and stirrer; someone who gives it to the government, the police and the bureaucracy.  Being a foreigner and being wealthy only add to his appeal.  He is in many ways rather like Invercargill Mayor Tim Shadbolt, another cheerful iconoclast who the New Zealand public have taken to their hearts.  (As it happens, Tim was another one of the thirty who sat in the US Consulate back in March of 1969).

The contrast between Sue's and Tim's career is instructive.

Tim succeeded because he had an attainable goal.   As a charismatic individual and self-confessed egoist he wanted to be at the head of something - as he put it "I want to be Mayor and I don't care where".  As far as I am aware he never belonged to any political organisation except the one that he founded as his vehicle for entry into student politics at Auckland University - Ausapocpah.   He generally avoided any kind of seriousness or ideological commitment, and that was a key to his political success.   People like him because he is good humoured, and they know that when you get Tim, Tim is is all that you get.  He has no ideological baggage and no hidden agenda.  He is pragmatic and sensible without being grey or boring.  Such principles as he has are not allowed to get in the way of his commitment to keeping the citizens of Invercargill happy, and their council well ordered.   When he doesn't make people laugh, he at least makes them smile.

Sue's approach to life and politics has been very different.   She takes her beliefs very seriously, and she has been through a succession of political parties and organisations - from the Progressive Youth Movement, through the Communist, New Labour, the Green and Mana parties, each of which she hoped would be the vehicle for realising her dreams of a just society. To my surprise, she succeeded in making the transition from working class activist to Green Party parliamentarian, even though it obliged her also to adopt a pragmatic approach and even some compromises of principle.  In the end though, she was not a good enough fit and she left the party after she was personally betrayed by one of her Party colleagues from the early days whom she had trusted implicitly.

There have been high points in Sue's political career.  Entering parliament would be considered one.   The passage of the "anti-smacking" legislation would be another.   But on the whole she has enjoyed some minor successes while never coming close to realising her utopian deam of "social justice for all" in New Zealand.  She has not found an enduring political home, because in the final analysis her political aspirations are incompatible with the pragmatism required to realise the more selfish goals of those with whom she allied herself.  Sue's attempts to implement her ideals through the Communist, New Labour, Green and Mana parties failed.  She needs to generalise that sufficiency of experience, and  understand that her transcendental ideals cannot be achieved through any kind of political party.

Dotcom, on the other hand, may very well succeed in his simple ambition to stay in his Helensville mansion and out of a United States penitentiary.    It does not worry the voting public that he is opportunistic.  He entertains and amuses them while poking a stick at the political establishment.  He is a good fit for Mana and Hone Harawira who, despite his reputation for wild radicalism, is a political pragmatist quite willing to do business with Mr Dotcom and his Internet Party.
 

29 April 2014

Compulsory KiwiSaver

The New Zealand Labour Party, which once held itself up to be the party of the working class, now proposes to force every working New Zealander to become a capitalist through compulsory membership of one or other of the "KiwiSaver" private superannuation funds.  If theNZLP wins the next election, will it allow exemption from the "KiwiSaver" regime for those who object to appropriating surplus value in the form of rent, interest or profits?  That is the least that Labour should offer.  By rights, the party should keep its nose out of workers' business, and its hands out of workers' pockets, which means no compulsory "KiwiSaver" under any circumstances.

Synthetic cannabinoids

New Zealand has been awash with drugs since the British found that as a means to subjugate our people  rum and tobacco were more effective than muskets.  The corrollary is also true - abstaining from drugs, including alcohol and tobacco is a first step to  liberation.   The regime benefits from taxes on the trade in alcohol, tobacco, coffee, tea and synthetic cannabinoids and also recognises that a stoned people will be a quiescent people.   Those are two reasons why the New Zealand parliament voted, with only one dissenting voice, to create a legal framework for the sale of synthetic cannabinoids aka "legal highs".

This issue has also brought into focus the divide which between the overwhelmingly liberal political establishment and the more conservative social and moral values of much of the population.    Over the past four decades, parliamentarians have come to accept the social and economic doctrines of liberalism without question or qualification.  Most genuinely believe that a free market in synthetic cannabinoids will be a lesser evil than prohibition.

The liberals argue that where there is a demand for drugs (or any other commodity) there will always be a supply, and therefore attempts to control supply ("prohibition") are  doomed to fail.  That is nonsense.  An effective drug policy must work by controlling both the demand for and supply of drugs.  Prohibition of supply does work because it directly reduces the volume of drugs traded and increases the market price.  It also indirectly reduces demand by signifying social disapproval of drug use.

By promoting or condoning "legal" drug use for whatever reasons, the regime is actually creating the conditions for its own destruction.   Sectors of the New Zealand economy are already grinding to a halt as drug use becomes ubiquitous, and a range of public services, including health, education and social welfare are being burdened with enormous and totally unnecessary costs.  Colonial society may need its opiates, but cannot survive their social and economic impact.

It is obvious to even the most myopic observer that economic liberalism is associated with unfettered access to drugs in the marketplace.  It is less apparent that the guiding principles of social liberalism, the individual pursuit of happiness and self-empowerment,  also serve to validate personal drug use.  There is no disputing that elimination of demand should take precedence over control of supply.   Unfortunately liberalism, the prevailing ideology of imperial regimes in the their final phase of decline and collapse, encourages both the demand for and supply of drugs, and thus drugs cannot be effectively controlled so long as liberalism remains the dominant ideology of the state and society.

25 April 2014

Flattery from the throne

The political genius of the British has been to realise the dream of every despot in history: a Head of State who is immune to  criticism, not because he is loved or feared but because he maintains no political or moral principles and accepts no responsibility for the actions of the state which he represents.   But it does not end there.  The sovereign's freedom from accountability has become the model for state and society.  In imitation of the monarch, a political and moral eunuch who exists only to play courtier to the politicians, his subjects have been robbed of, or willingly sacrificed, their morals, dignity, intelligence and spirit - in a word their humanity, all in  the cause of a tawdry colonial regime which is leading them into the abyss.

Flattery and bribery are the stock-in-trade of the politicians.  They bribe us with the money picked from our own pockets, and they flatter us with the fancy that we are an enterprising, innovative, good and great people.   The Duke of Cambridge is in no position to offer bribes but he does a good line in flattery and the sad reality is that  those who cast a benign eye upon this pair of vacuous British aristocrats lack either the wisdom to recognise flattery or the moral fibre to resist it.   When a subject flatters his king only two souls are put in peril; when a monarch flatters his subjects a whole nation may succumb to vain delusions.

19 April 2014

The evil of banality

The mass media, headed by the womens magazines, did its best to rark up enthusiasm for the recently ended "Royal visit" of the heir to the throne of New Zealand, William Duke of Cambridge.   For all that , the "European king movement" is a bizarre phenomenon whose appeal is mainly restricted to ethnic Britons, in particular the most recent immigrants.  So what harm could there be in it?   Those putting the question should recall the words of Hannah Arendt.  Political banality conceals a multitude of evils.  The evil of Duke William consists not so much in what he says or does - after all he says exactly what the politicians tell him to say, which is exactly what they believe the public wishes to hear - but in what he does not say or do.  He says nothing about the state's use of torture or complicity in the assassination of its own citizens by the security forces of foreign powers.  He is silent over the plight of the poor.  He turns a blnd eye to all the social evils of our times.  He is a moral eunuch, the perfect symbol of the moral anomy of a colonial society, but no fit person to head a civilised state.   A democratic republic might throw up a George Bush or Francois Holland  as easily as a Pandit Nehru or a Nelson Mandela, but it could do no worse than this fey shallow young member of the British aristocracy who, if John Key and David Cunnliffe were to have their way, would become King of New Zealand. It is a given that Bush and Holland can and will be criticised for their political iniquities.  In the final analysis they can and will be held to account.   Duke William and his grandmother, on the other hand, claim sovereign immunity from moral reproach.  They may receive it from the regime's mass media, but they not from this blog.

7 April 2014

William the Young Pretender

The "Royal visit" of the English Duke of Cambridge, heir to the throne of New Zealand, has been hailed by the mass media as a victory for  supporters of the British monarchy and a setback for republicans.  Whether or not that is the case is largely immaterial.   What matters is understanding the real nature and symbolism of the British monarchy in New Zealand, a reality which most republicans would rather not, and monarchists dare not, directly confront.

The "official" republican line is that New Zealand is defacto an independent nation which retains anomalous and anachronistic links to the British monarchy.   A simple matter therefore to set matters to rights by cutting those links and electing or appointing a New Zealander as New Zealand Head of State.

The reality is more complex and at the same time more logical than the "anomaly" theory.  Fundamentally, the balance of political forces in New Zealand remains as it has been since the late nineteenth century.   The developing economic conditions which favoured the rise of nationalist sentiment were sent into reverse by the Lange-Douglas Labour government of the nineteen-eighties.   Pakeha culture, as expressed in the writings of Frank Sargeson, Janet Frame, Maurice Gee and Barry Crump or the songs of Peter Cape had virtually disappeared by the end of the twentieth century.  The New Zealand economy became more dependent on foreign markets, foreign inputs and foreign capital, while the internal political forces became more closely aligned with the global alliance of the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada and Australia.   Concurrently, there has been a marked increase in disparities of wealth and income within the country, and in consequence the colonial ruling class no longer sees any advantage in pushing the logic of nationalism.   Their wealth and their security depends on the one hand on the good graces of foreign powers, and on the other on keeping their own population docile and subservient to foreign interests.

Those who occupy the corridors of power in New Zealand no longer have reason to pursue a nationalist agenda, which presents a problem for the "official" republicans of the RMANZ who have placed their hopes for a republic in the hands of politicians who are sworn to uphold the monarchy.  That hope was not entirely unreasonable, because no one seriously believed that all those who swore allegiance to the British crown were genuine monarchists.  The problem, however, was that while a minority were committed  monarchists, the remainder were mere opportunists, and the political ground has now shifted to the point where for the ruling elite opportunism predicates the continuation of the monarchy and the colonial regime in general.  When push comes to shove parliamentarians will not resile from the monarchy because the alternatives, republicanism and nationalism, risk further challenges to the class and race based colonial society instituted by the New Zealand Company in the mid-nineteenth century and essentially preserved in varying form ever since.

The principal  institutions of state and capital are increasingly owned and managed by people from the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia and, to a lesser extent, the United States, the Netherlands and other foreign states.   There is a logic in appointing expatriates to the senior positions in both the public and private sectors, and, as has become apparent over the years, it has little to do with merit.   Foreign managers, and foreign rulers, are generally favoured by regimes which fear and distrust their own people.   The new foreign heads of government departments and major firms are the Janissaries of the colonial regime.  Their benefit to the colonial regime is that they have no inherent loyalty to the people of New Zealand.  They need not worry about the impact of commodity charges on the ability of their iwi to keep their mokopuna fed, clothed and warm.  They do not agonize over whether their lending policies will make it impossible for the men and women they went through school with to raise their own families in their own homes.   They will not be deterred by the prospect of dismissing from employment the older generation of workers who built up their industries and taught them all they know.    At best they will make a show of concern, but deep down they will not be constrained by sentiment or national loyalty.

Thus the British monarchy remains the vehicle of choice for propping up colonial rule in New Zealand.  The Duke and Duchess of Cambridge will pretend that they know our islands and love our people and that each is in some mystical yet meaningful way "one of us".  They will encourage the illusion that we as a people are beloved by foreign powers, and by those from among our own people who are aligned with those foreign powers.  They will serve the interests of the colonial regime without thought or compunction.  They will aptly symbolize its foreigness, its shallowness, and its fraudulence.  Like the three wise monkeys, or rather two crass scions of the British aristocracy, they will see no evil, hear no evil and speak no evil.  The parliamentarians will do their best to reinforce this pretence, and will match it with their own pretence of loyalty to the "royal couple".  It will be a sad and meaningless charade played out by a doomed regime.

Karl Marx remarked that history repeats itself, "the first as tragedy, then as farce" in which farce it is "possible for a grotesque mediocrity to play a hero's part".  His observation relates to the events in France in 1851 when Louis Napoleon launched a coup against the French republic to restore imperial rule, but it aptly describes what is occurring in Aotearoa, not a sudden fascist coup as is the style of the French, but in the typical manner of New Zealand colonialism, a slow creeping retreat from national dignity and independence.

When the British first arrived in these islands in numbers, Maori were divided as to how to respond.   Some foresaw the loss of their mana with their lands, while others, particularly among the chiefs, determined to profit by selling hapu and iwi land to the foreigners.   So land was alienated, without right or mandate, in exchange for axes, blankets, muskets, printing presses, glass beads, rum, tobacco and Christian theology.  Eventually the dispossessed rallied behind a Maori king, Tawhiao, and other tribal leaders, and so began the movement against land sales which developed into the wars of resistance to British rule.

This history is being played out again, with the British immigrants themselves selling their lands in exchange for a gamut of late model cars, designer jeans, air conditioning units, mobile telephones, dvd players, pleasure boats, synthetic cannabis, methamphetamine, cocaine, heroin and overseas holidays - none of it as useful as an axe or a blanket, while the accompanying secular materialist ideology preached by a phalanx of modern missioners offers none of the saving grace or practical advantage of the Christian religion.

At the same time, a wave of more prosperous Asian settlers has alarmed the European population, causing them to vainly petition their government for an end to "asset sales".  Enter the "grotesque mediocrity", the Duke of Cambridge, along with Prime Minister John Key, leader of the opposition David Cunnliffe, the absurd European parody upon our past heros, Tawhiao, Wiremu Tamehana, Rewi Maniapoto, Hone Heke, Wiremu Kingi and Te Kooti Rikirangi.  The "European King movement" manifest in this "royal visit" is most surely and sadly a case of our own tragic history repeating itself as farce.
 

Bob McCroskie resigns as a state licensed marriage celebrant

Bob McCroskie, the leader of the "Family First" movement, has resigned as a state-licensed marriage celebrant, but will continue to conduct marriages without state endorsement.   McCroskie's move is a signal that while liberalism now controls the commanding heights of the mass media, the political system and the state a broad spectrum of the public will continue a stubborn resistance.   As the New Zealand Herald reported on 1 March " there are  ...hundreds fewer celebrants linked to churches and religious organisations since a law creating marriage equality came into force in August last year.  The law change has prompted the resignation of ... Family First national director Bob McCoskrie, who has been a vocal opponent of same-sex marriage.  But it has also attracted new celebrants keen to preside over same-sex weddings."  The simple arithmetic might suggest a null nett effect, but as I wrote here in 2012 "Religious believers may be more inclined to separate themselves from a state which assumes a quasi-religious function yet in doing so contradicts the most fundamental positions of genuine religious traditions...When brought into conflict with the social order, religion becomes a revolutionary rather than a stabilizing force".   In  the course of their headlong "pursuit of happiness" liberals will not be willing to die in a ditch for the sake of their beliefs.  Their opponents are.  In the end, that commitment will make the difference.
 

27 February 2014

New Zealand today: The alchemists take charge

Radio New Zealand "Nine to Noon" show this morning featured an interview with New Zealand Customs Minister Maurice Williamson in which he suggested that "3D printing" could be used to produce anything from hand guns to human organs and - wait for it - "gold".   Gold from plastic, the alchemists dream, taken into the twenty-first century by digital technology.

A harmless delusion?  More than that.  Evidence that the monarchist regime is both prey to and purveyor of scientific, economic and social delusions which are inexorably drawing the nation to a catastrophe.  That is not hyperbole.   A nation whose rulers are as profoundly ignorant and deluded as Maurice Williamson (the same Maurice Williamson who became an internet celebrity through his speech supporting homosexual "marriage") simply will not survive.

But are we underestimating the Honorable Mr Williamson and the New Zealand parliament?  If that august institution can turn the sacrament of marriage into a celebration of state-sponsored sodomy, could it not turn plastic into gold?  Is it only a matter of time before Maurice Williamson presents to parliament the  Materials Definition (Equality of Substances) Bill which decrees that plastic and gold are one and the same?

14 February 2014

An Auckland story

My parents started their married life in a garage-size bach which my father pre-fabricated where he had lived in Wellington, and then shipped by New Zealand Railways to a quarter-acre section of land at Mairangi Bay.  This was 1947, ten years before the Auckland Harbour Bridge was built, and a time when Mairangi Bay was a remote rural backwater without water reticulation, sewage, or sealed roads..   My father, who possessed a range of technical skills (photographer, radio serviceman, mechanic, carpenter, plumber and electrician) had it in mind that Auckland was the only place to be in New Zealand for an enterprising person with a technical bent.   The family settled in Mairangi Bay because they could afford to buy a section there, and Dad began work as an x-ray serviceman with Phillips Electrical Industries in the city, which entailed a long daily commute including a ferry trip from Devonport to the city. An Auckland story - click here to read more...

12 February 2014

Len Brown toughs it out.

Auckland City aspires or pretends to be a "world class city", and there is one respect in which it seems to be part of a global phenonomen.  In Egypt, Turkey, Ukraine and Thailand popular movements have sprung with the object of forcing supposedly incompetent, corrupt or divisive elected officials out of office.  In Auckland, a group of councillors, a vocal section of the public, social conservative pressure groups, and the nation's largest newspaper, the New Zealand Herald, have demanded that the recently re-elected  Mayor Len Brown should resign as a consequence of his extra-marital affair with the political "groupie" Bevan Chuang. Len Brown toughs it out - click here to read more

10 February 2014

The Syrian conflict and the threat to rule of law in New Zealand.

In withdrawing the passports, and thus the freedom of movement of New Zealand citizens, the New Zealand Prime Minister John Key has signalled that the monarchist regime is moving from the "rule of law" to an autocratic system of government directed by the institutions of state - in the present case, the security-intelligence service.   The "rule of law" is a system in which the law does not allow or require the institutions of  government to exercise discretion.  In contrast the "rule of man" is a system in which the law grants the state authorities discretionary powers which may be then be used in whatever manner the state sees fit.   To put it another way, under the "rule of law" the law acts as a constraint upon the state, whereas under the "rule of man", it becomes a mere instrument of the state power. The Syrian conflict and the threat to rule of law in New Zealand - click here to read more.
 

30 January 2014

Love, Sex and Marriage: Revisiting the amendment to the Marriage Act

Sex is at the heart of marriage.  If a marriage is not consummated - that is, if there is no sexual intercourse between husband and wife - the marriage may be annulled, which is to say that it is deemed to have never been a proper marriage.  The implication is that when the church says that marriage is "ordained by God" it is saying that sexual intercourse between husband and wife is also "ordained by God".  Therefore sexual intercourse is sanctified in marriage. Love, Sex and Marriage - click here to read more
 

21 September

Dear Phil... a letter to the administrator of the "redline" collective website   Click here to read .
 

31 August Revised 11 September

Early superannuation and "the right to choose"

When "fiscally neutral" measures are proposed or supported by Treasury they necessarily have an ideological or political purpose.  The purpose in the case of the proposal to allow uptake of superannuation at a reduced rate from the age of 60 years is to take a step away from the principal of universality and a step in the direction of "choice".

Ideologically, the proposal falls into the same category as Kiwi Saver (personal superannuation) and ACC (Accident Compensations Scheme) where the benefits paid are attributable to the choices that people have made in their lives - the choice whether to save or not to save, whether to have a high discretionary income or not and so on.  (Don't be surprised to find that income is a matter of personal choice.  The liberal doctrine of innate equality implies that regardless of ethnicity, gender or social class every individual is capable of achieving equivalent outcomes in their lives.  Therefore provided that social institutions such as the education system function as intended, personal incomes are the consequence of personal choices made earlier in life).Superannuation and the right to choose - click here to read more ...

An ugly discourse

The panel on Radio New Zealand "afternoons with Jim Mora" is an opportunity for various celebreties to proffer opinions on subjects about which (as they will sometimes frankly concede) they are wholly ignorant.   All that matters is the supposed weight which their contrived status lends to their opinions.  The facts are generally not material.

The format of the show generally requires one celebrity from the political left to be balanced by the presence of another from the right.   It is revealing however that as time goes by there is less and less disagreement between the various celebrity guests of the right and left, and on most issues they arrive at a happy consensus.  Two regulars, the Labour Party's Dr Brian Edwards and the National Party's Michelle Boag, both married to different spouses, have actually been conducting what must count as one of  the most public flirtations ever over the airwaves of Radio New Zealand National.   That, and the fact that most of the time on the show is taken up with social trivia and egregious displays of personal, social and intellectual vanity, provides an instructive commentary on the state of New Zealand politics.

A serious issue did come before the panel on Friday August 30, shortly after Dr Edwards had finished providing the audience with the details of his sunglasses, the shirt he was wearing, his suit, his wardrobe budget, his home in Herne Bay and his fondness for a latte.

This was the small matter of a New Zealand journalist, Wayne Hay, who had been arrested and imprisoned by the military dictatorship in Egypt.   What did the panel make of this event?  It was obvious they had very little idea what they should say, particularly after it was revealed that the military dictatorship had charged the journalist with being "in sympathy" with the deposed democratically elected civilian government.    Boag and Edwards neatly avoided this embarrassing problem by ignoring Hay's plight altogether and asking each other why journalists chose to go into positions of danger.   Did they do it for the adrenalin rush?  Was it like an addiction?

The discussion then segued to the subject of the Mumbai rapes with Boag asking why young Indian women would want to work until the late evening, and then travel home on public transport where they would be so at risk, and Edwards suggesting that it might have a lot to do with the perverse thrill of putting themselves in such risky situations.  Of course it didn't.   People like Boag and Edwards have the sense not to say such things.   But they will happily imply that New Zealand journalists arrested by military dictators who are friends to the western powers have perversely brought the problem upon themselves.  We are now seeing a re-run of the disgraceful way in which the Australian and New Zealand authorities attempted to cover up the murder of Australian and New Zealand journalists by the Indonesian military during the invasion of East Timor.

Just a few days earlier the Radio New Zealand Middle Eastern correspondent was telling her listeners about the "Islamist dictatorship of Mohammed Morsi" - a strange way of describing a democratically elected and exceedingly moderate Islamist government - and suggesting that the military dictatorship was at least no worse than the democratic government it had overthrown.   The inconvenient truth that 2000 innocent civilians had been massacred in the aftermath of the coup, as many more imprisoned, television stations and newspapers closed down, and foreign journalists arrested, received no mention.

The New Zealand state will not say or do anything to protect even its own people from the savage brutality of the western imperial system.   It speaks in favour of a military response to parallel atrocities in Syria, but only because it thinks (probably wrongly) that one side of the conflict there will support western "interests" in the region.  In that sense it doesn't matter who perpetrated the atrocity, so long as it provides a pretext for intervening against those who are judged most inimical to western interests.   It has nothing to do with humanitarian concerns.  The New Zealand government has repeatedly demonstrated that it does not  give a hoot about the welfare of its own people, let alone the people of Syria, Egypt, or any other nation in the Middle East.

Meanwhile, Radio New Zealand can be relied upon to keep the people of New Zealand fully informed about Dr Brian Edward's shirts and sunnies and Michelle Boag's social outings.   It will, so far as possible, continue to ignore the plight of Wayne Hay.  It will beat the drums for war against the Syrian regime of Bashar al Assad while glossing over the crimes of the Egyptian regime of General al-Sisi.  Like the colonial regime which it serves, it will carry on being stupid, dishonest and amoral until the day when we enjoy something like our own "Arab spring".
 

29 August 2013

The secularisation of calling: how Barack Obama morphed into George Bush.

When Barack Obama succeeded George Bush to the Presidency of the United States western liberals celebrated the event as the dawning of a new age of politics. Those who had suffered the wrath of the United States - in particular the peoples of the Middle East - were more sceptical.   Few of the latter expected to see a fundamental change in the way that the United States exercised its power in the world, and to them it came as no surprise that Obama dramatically increased the number of assassinations being carried out by global drone strikes, maintained the Gauntanamo Bay prison camp, introduced massive systems of state surveillance of the citizenry, and began to brutally punish so-called "whistle blowers" who told the American public exactly what the President and Commander-in-Chief was doing in their name.

Some years ago I compared the corrupting influence of politics to what happens when you set a virgin to work in a brothel.   It is naive to imagine that the fresh innocence of the newcomer can prevail over the cynical corruption of the old hands.   This is the dilemma of democracy.  The job itself defines the way in which it will be conducted and there is no moral way to be Commander-in-Chief of the United States of America, Prime Minister of New Zealand, or madam of a high-class brothel.

However, there is one critical subjective factor which I had overlooked, namely the way in which secularism profoundly changes the relationship of the individual to the world at large.  In the days when the word "vocation" literally implied a call from God, one's job in life, whether in the church, the state, or the civil society, was at the behest of God and required to be in accordance with his express will.  Today the purpose of a vocation is defined by the self-interest of the individual and the demands of the organisation or profession  within which the individual works.   The toxic confluence of self-interest and organisational-interest defines the modern secular vocation, whether in business, politics, professional sport, much of what passes for religion and virtually every other sphere of human life.  Until there is a return to religious values there will be no escape from the democratic dilemma.   A black President will be as ruthless as a white one. A female journalist will be as dishonest as her male counterparts.  A gay Prime Minister will be as devious as a straight one.    Nothing will change for the better until the people of the western nations revert to the life of faith.
 

David Shearer's dirty little secrets and John Key's own goal

I was not alone in being unimpressed by David Shearer's prospects after he acceded to the leadership of the New Zealand Labour Party, but I was one of the few who pointed out that his work with the United Nations actually brought into question his personal integrity and his suitability for the role of leader.  Most commentators assumed that Shearer had, in the now notorious formula of Labour Party propagandists, devoted his time overseas to saving lives, while John Key was busy amassing personal wealth.  The subsequent revelation that Shearer had large sums of undeclared cash stashed away in a secret US bank account took the legs off that particular claim.  Far from being the humanitarian hero of Labour Party propaganda, Shearer has been exposed as just one more devious New Zealand politician.

Shearer's final undoing was his pretence in Parliament that he had never discussed the GCSB bill with its author, National Party Prime Minister John Key.   Shearer had told Key that the meeting was to be treated as "off the record".  He therefore felt entitled to tell the New Zealand public that no such meeting had ever taken place.  Key, however, could not resist the temptation to betray the confidence by revealing the truth of the meeting to the House of Representatives, and thus Shearer's fate was sealed.

Few will have sympathy for Shearer.  While secretly colluding with the National Party government, he was deceiving the New Zealand public.  His modus operandi was that ot the typical UN bureaucrat.  Engage in confidential negotiations with the local power-brokers and don't get hung up on matters of principle or morality.   That was particularly stupid of David Shearer, because John Key is no Afghan warlord who could be relied on to maintain the confidence of a UN bureaucrat.   He is a democratic politician who had a direct interest in undermining the credibility of his confidante.

John Key's revelation raises another troubling issue.    He has shown that  he is willing to breach the shabby "off the record" convention when it suits his political purposes.   Or even when it doesn't.   Key's political interests would have been better served by allowing David Shearer to remain leader of the opposition through to the next general election, but the political animal in the Prime Minister could not resist the temptation to discomfort an adversary.

An earlier National Prime Minister, Robert Muldoon, breached confidence by using a police report on former Labour Party Minister Colin Moyle for political advantage, and also used supposedly secret SIS data to discredit his political opponents.  Abuse of confidence is a constant temptation to politicians in positions of power, and John Key for one has demonstrated that he is unable to resist that tempation.   John Key and others at the highest levels of government will feel driven to use information on personal indiscretions or peccadillos gleaned through the enhanced powers of the GCSB  to either discredit or blackmail their political opponents.   New Zealand politicians, all of whom are human and fallible, will become the handpuppets of the spymasters once the GCSB has its all-encompassing system of surveillance in place.
 

9 July 2013 (updated 2013-07-28)

Afghanistan still in the news

The NZDF's own  figures, recently released by journalist David Fisher,  show that in 2012 nineteen New Zealand troops, out of 150 deployed in Afghanistan, were sent home on "psychological" grounds in a failed bid to restore discipline within the occupation force.  However the complete collapse of morale in the New Zealand forces in the latter months of 2012 cannot be forever concealed under the guise of "psychological repatriation".
Meanwhile, the army's attempt to discredit journalist Jon Stephenson has ended up in the New  Zealand courts ... Afghanistan still in the news - click here to read more...

Secular omniscience

Secularists who do not believe in an omnipotent and omniscient God tend to seek refuge in an omniscient and omnipotent state.  This was the case in Stalin's Russia and Hitler's Germany, and it is presently the case in Barack Obama's America, and John Key's New Zealand.  These people believe surveillance and control is necessary for the protection of the state, and the state in turn is necessary to defend the well-being of the people.

Having no belief in a beneficent and all-knowing God, the secularists believe that they must know everything that has happened or may yet happen in the world, and they consider it necessary to have absolute control over their own circumstances, to whatever ends. Having no belief in the hereafter, they are obsessed with the importance of preserving their lives and their fortunes in this world, even at the price of moral improbity.  In attempting the impossible, they find themselves obliged to resort to deceit, and then to force.

They are wrong, they are misguided, and they are doomed to fail.

Those who truly believe in God can accept their own limitations, and their own mortality.   They have no need to seek refuge in a putatively all-knowing, all-powerful state, because they have a truly all-knowing, all-powerful God.  The only imperative for the believers is to honour God while living in the world with honesty, courage and compassion for others, and in the end, they will be vindicated.

There are reasons why, and a process by which, the all-powerful all-knowing state must fail.  At the most fundamental level there is a contradiction between omniscience and omnipotence.  If we know everything that is, was, and will be, then by definition we are powerless to alter that reality in any way.  If, on the other hand,  we could change anything in the world, then we could have no knowledge of what will be from the very next instant of time, because there would be no law of nature by which the creation is bound, and all would be subject to our own unpredictable and ever-changing will.   So omnipotence signifies the repeal of all natural laws, in the absence of which the patterns of the past would cease to have meaning, and would appear as mere coincidence .

There is a tenet of science, particularly applicable at the atomic level,  which says that every observation changes the thing that is observed, and hence that  nothing can be known absolutely.  The same is true of the market.   If the market knows that a commodity will  rise in price, then it acts to counter the rise, even to the extent of producing a glut which will cause the price to fall.  We act on the basis of knowledge, and we gain knowledge from our actions, but in acting we change that which we purported to know.  At the same time the desire to know inhibits our ability to act, because by entering into any particular set of material circumstances we change those circumstances, and we can never be absolutely certain of how different they may have been if we had not ourselves entered into the situation.

So among mortal beings the aspiration for omnipotence conflicts with the aspiration for omniscience.   We can be neither all-knowing nor all-powerful and we certainly cannot be both.

The surveillance state will change the material circumstances of our lives.   Vast resources are being poured into the project.  Hundreds, thousands and even tens of thousands or surveillance staff will be employed.  Other sectors of society - health, education, productive enterprise - will be deprived of funding and capable personnel as the surveillance system grows ever-larger.  Those who would otherwise have been  supporters of the state will begin look at it with suspicion and resentment.  In other words, surveillance will itself give rise to the very disaffection which it was intended to detect and suppress.

The power given by the  webmaster's knowledge of the indiscretions and peccadillos of  political and religious leaders will inevitably be used for political ends, whether disclosed publicly or used privately to bring pressure to bear.  The effect upon the integrity of the political  system will be insidious and corrosive.

Meanwhile, the lower ranks of the secret watchers who in the end are still human beings, will experience the same frustration as anyone who has knowledge which must be concealed in order to protect its source.   Secrets inevitably end in leaks, and in the end, which may not be very long in coming, the surveillance society will suffer the same fate as any other overloaded leaking vessel.

7 July 2013

Spying legislation: Where does it come from and where will it end?

Nazi Germany and  the Soviet Union were notorious for spying upon their own citizens.   Both were militantly secular states.   Not  believing in  God, they sought to place the state in His place at the head of the social order.   In order to fulfil its self-assigned role the state was obliged to be omniscient, being cogniscant of every action, every word and every thought of every member of society. Only when possessed of such absolute knowledge, it was believed, could the state combat threats to the security of the nation and the welfare of the people.
Those who believe in God have no need for a state which can protect them against any conceivable trouble or threat, and thus no need for a state which knows everything about its citizens.  Taking refuge in their Creator, they have no undue fear of worldly afflictions.
The secular road, on the other hand leads first to social paranoia, and then to tyranny.  The person who sits at the centre of the web of surveillance, whether it is the Head of State, the Fuhrer, the party boss, or the head of the KGB, NKVD, Gestapo, FBI, GCSB or the SIS becomes the power behind the scenes.   Like the former Head of the American FBI, J Edgar Hoover, he is able to blackmail members of the government or the legislature over indiscretions or peccadillos which are hidden from public knowledge, but which become known to the intelligence services through electronic eavesdropping.   In this way the highest ranks of politics are the first to be corrupted, and then the system of fear and corruption extends down through the social layers as far as the lowliest citizen.
However, the harder the state tries to take the place of God, the more certain it is to fail.  It is not for the state to be all-powerful, all-knowing, and the absolute protector of its citizens.   Those are the attributes of God alone.  The state which tries to play God eventually collapses under its own weight.  The organisations of surveillance and control become unsustainably large.  So many are engaged in the business of spying and reporting on their fellow citizens that nothing gets done.  The productive society becomes hesitant, starved of resources and ultimately sclerotic
It is no coincidence that the New Zealand state is moving to establish comprehensive electronic surveillance of its citizens just weeks after having made itself the final arbiter of the marriage sacrament.  Having no God to revere, the state seeks to make itself  a God to be feared. It will end badly for the state, and for all those New Zealanders who subscribe to the false doctrine of secularism

5 July 2013

Morsi, Mora and McCormick

Gary McCormick and Jim Mora, who feature regularly on state broadcasters Television New Zealand and Radio New Zealand National, are intelligent, good-humoured, compassionate, generally well-informed commentators on New Zealand and international events.   McCormick is an entertainer who toured the country with the late former Prime Minister David Lange, delighting left-wing audiences from Auckland to Otorohanga.  Jim Mora fronted the do-gooder television programme "Mucking In", acquiring in the process a public reputation for warmth and compassion.

A couple of months back McCormick and Mora were telling Radio New Zealand audiences that same-sex marriage was an essential human right, and would be a great thing for the country.  Neither seemed to think it might be desirable, let alone necessary, to have a contrary viewpoint represented on their programme.  Yesterday  on "Afternoons with Jim Mora" they dealt with a couple of themes which are only apparently unrelated.

One was the allegation made on the basis of an academic study, that the BBC had a "liberal bias".  Neither McCormick nor Mora saw any problem there.  To them the term "liberal bias" was oxymoronic.   In their view, if there is such a thing as a liberal bias, then it is entirely appropriate for the BBC, and by implication Radio New Zealand, to have it.

Social conservatives, who have been effectively shut out of public discourse in New Zealand, would not see it that way, and neither should any "intelligent, compassionate and well-informed" person.  The grave potential for harm presented by the liberal bias of the mass media was made more evident when Mora and McCormick moved on to the next issue: the military coup in Egypt against the one-year-old democratically elected government of Muhammed Morsi.  Western media and governments have refused to condemn the coup.  McCormick went further, suggesting that those who he called "our American friends" should never have allowed an Islamist government to be formed in Egypt in the first place, and that the coup was long overdue.

President Morsi and his government are now under military arrest and facing the threat of summary execution.  The Muslim Brotherhood's offices have been sacked and burned, scores of unarmed party workers shot and radio and television stations and newspapers which support the legitimate government have been closed down.  Mora and McCormick, the bold upholders of state-sanctioned sodomy, declare that all this is "not before time".  The liberal establishment in New Zealand, represented in the persons of Mora and McCormick, have decreed that the poor, the humble and the pious of Egyptian society should be sacrificed to the demands of a brutally corrupt military regime, and the greedy ambitions of a privileged elite.   However, this is not just about Egypt.  Western governments and the western media instigated, condone and support the military coup because they share its arrogance, its selfish ambition, and its contempt for the poor and afflicted of the world.   Their attitudes should, quite literally, put the fear of death into New Zealanders.  When push comes to shove, the "intelligent, good-humoured, compassionate, generally well-informed" liberals who claim the right to kill unborn children will not hesitate to kill anyone who they perceive as a threat to their hold on wealth and power.

Behind the benign persona of a Jim Mora, Gary McCormick, John Key or Barack Obama lurks the murderous reality of global secularism, which, when it has exhausted all its powers of wit and dissimilaton resorts to brute force.  The lesson in these events, and the global response, is that people everywhere must be armed to defend themselves against the military forces of the secular state.
 

3 July 2013

Tell me again: who won the cold war?

When I was growing up in New Zealand in the nineteen-fifties we were told a lot about the evils of communism.   In the Soviet states women were forced to  work in industry.  They were not able to stay home to raise their children, who were reared by childcare workers in institutions.  Working families were obliged to live in soul-less apartment blocks.  Family meals were taken in communal dining rooms.   Family farms had been taken over by impersonal corporations.   There were no family homes on quarter-acre sections, except for the ruling apparatchiks, who had their lifestyle blocks in the country and their holiday baches on the Black Sea.  The newspapers were filled with fatuous propaganda.  There was no opposition press or broadcaster to speak of.   School children were indoctrinated in the crass secular values of the Soviet system.   The few dissidents who protested or told the truth about what was happening were forced to flee the country, or remained holed up in Western embassies for decades.  Alleged counter-revolutionaries were secretly removed to prison camps in remote places where there was no rule of law and no right to open trial.  Armies were sent to suppress uprisings in the client states of eastern Europe.  The communist aim was to incorporate the entire human race into a global system based on the arcane economic theories of a nineteenth century philosopher who had no real understanding of human nature.   Religion was derided, and the institutions of religion were morally compromised. The political system was controlled by the 2% or so of the population who belonged to the Marxist political parties. The careers of dissidents mysteriously foundered.  The people lived lives of quiet desperation, often hungry, and always deprived.   The entire population, including the politicians themselves, were subjected to a system of surveillance that looked into every aspect of their private lives, their political opinions, and their social views, on the pretext of the threat posed by "counter-revolutionaries".

That grim picture is probably as true of New Zealand today as it was of the Soviet Union in the nineteen-fifties, and it begs the question of who really won the cold war.  All that we were taught to loath and fear about communism has become part of our life thanks to the very political parties and institutions which were most eloquent in telling us of our right to own a home or a farm, bring up a family, work for whom we pleased, be paid a decent wage, have the same opportunities as the most privileged in society, enjoy a variety of honest critical opinion in the news media, protect the family, respect the institutions of religion, and live under the rule of law.

The legislation currently before parliament which will give the state the absolute right to spy upon all its citizens is a move towards the final separation of the government from the people.  Taken in itself, it would be a worthless exercise, involving great cost and employing huge numbers of state officials to track and record the random thoughts of millions of New Zealanders, all to no apparent purpose.   However, there is and will be a purpose.   The New Zealand surveillance system works in concert with the United States, Britain, Australia, Canada and Israel.  In the United States the system is employed to target individuals for assassination.  Originally only non-US citizens were targetted.  Now US citizens abroad may also be assassinated on the orders of President Barack Obama.  Israel and the United Kingdom also use the surveillance system to support their own targetted killing programs.  New Zealand will be part of this system, and assuming that the New Zealand government continues to follow the logic of the United States and the United Kingdom, sooner or later the system will be used to carry out extra-judicial killing of New Zealand citizens at home or abroad.   In the interim, it will be used to instill fear in politicians, journalists, state servants, and the New Zealand public at large and to make the public compliant with the imperatives of the state.  But it will fail to achieve its ultimate purpose.  As hundreds, and then thousands of employees are drafted into the state security apparatus, there will be more low paid staff, more whose commitment to the preservation of state power falls short of being absolute, more leaks, more Julian Lasanges, more Bradley Mannings, and more Edward Snowdens.   Eventually the system will become too large, too unwieldy and too expensive, and it will collapse under its own weight, just as the Soviet Union collapsed from within.    When that happens John Key, or whoever succeeds him at the head of the New Zealand state will be left looking as silly as Enver Hoxha in Albania or Nicolai Ceaucescu in Romania.   Just a stupid little man in a colonial outpost who imagined he could found a durable regime on a system of universal surveillance.

1 June 2013

Maurice Williamson: In contempt of the truth

In his  celebrated speech  to Parliament at the third reading of the Marriage Act amendment bill, Minister outside of Cabinet Maurice Williamson stated "I also had a leader tell me I would burn in the fires of hell for eternity ..".   It is now revealed that the "leader" in question was Williamson's party leader, the Prime Minister John Key, and that the comment was made in the course of a joking exchange between the two when Williamson apprised Key of his intention to speak in favour of the Amendment.    By a narrow definition Williamson's statement to parliament was therefore "true", but by substituting the indefinite article "a" for the possessive pronoun "my" Williamson knowingly deceived four million New Zealanders into thinking that he was referring to a leader from among the religious opponents to the bill.
From the outset the New Zealand news media duopoly of APN and Fairfax media knew the true story, but for reasons of their own chose not to tell the public.  Instead, to provide themselves with a defence against the day when the truth finally emerged, they tagged Williamson's address to parliament as a "humorous speech" which is media code for "Don't take any of this too seriously".
However millions of New Zealanders do believe what their politicians say in Parliament and take what they read in the newspapers at face value.   They are largely ignorant of the codes which journalists use to indicate to each other that a story is of doubtful veracity, or simply untrue.  Millions of ordinary New Zealanders have been deceived by a politician who is in contempt of the truth and betrayed by the journalists who gratuitously handed him a "Get out of jail free" card.

25 May 2013

Canary in the mine

Stephen Rainbow, the prominent New Zealand local government politician and apologist for homosexuality has suggested that homosexuals are the "canary in the mine" of creative culture, by which he means that when homosexuality can be openly practised the arts will flourish, and vice versa.  He may be correct in some degree.   There appears to be a correlation between homosexuality and the performing and creative arts: a number of great artists, among them Michelangelo, Tchaikowsky and Oscar Wilde, were reputed homosexuals.  However their works were created within the bounds of a social order which did not endorse  homosexual acts, and it is not necessarily the case that the culture is enriched by the glorification of homosexuality.  Now that homosexuality has become socially acceptable, one would be hard put to argue that Anglo-Saxon culture has reached a new zenith.   It has rap  in place of John Keats, talk-back radio in place of the Edmund Burke and Tom Payne, soap opera in place of William Shakespeare, and hiphop in place of Edward Elgar or Vaughan Willliams.   Whether that represents cultural progress or cultural decline is for the individual to judge.

The point that I would take from Rainbow is that homosexuality is not something that can be considered in isolation from all other social phenomena.   The same applies to prostitution.  There is for example, a clear connection between prostitution and drug abuse.  Drug addicts become prostitutes in order to finance their drug habits, and prostitutes take up the use of drugs in order to give a semblance of purpose to lives which have been rendered spiritually empty by the practice of  prostitution.   In New Zealand the campaign to legalise prostitution was led by homosexuals who then went on to lobby for and win state sanctification of homosexuality through the amendment to the Marriage Act.

There is therefore an empirical connection between homosexuality and prostitution. There is also an ideological connection.  Essentially the same arguments which were advanced to  support neo-liberal economic reform have been used to advocate homosexual law reform and  prostitution law reform.  There is a wider liberal agenda, to which virtually all political parties subscribe, though to  greater or lesser degree, and the social conservative critics of that agenda have been powerless to resist it, because, largely for reasons of material self-interest, they have been unwilling to challenge its fundamental ideological premises.

The overt social, legal and economic ramifications of homosexuality and the neo-liberal ideology in general are of interest and concern, but there are other less obvious and more insidious implications, particularly the prevalence of equivocation and dissimulation within liberal society.  Equivocation is maintaining that things of a quite different character are equivalent.   For example the claim that sodomy and sexual intercourse (between a man and a woman) amount to the same thing underlies the amendment to the Marriage Act, and is widely accepted within New Zealand society, yet it is at odds with simple truth.   The argument that a worker and a capitalist are essentially "the same" within the economic order is also contrary to the actual reality.   Equivocation thus becomes a form of deception.

The other side to equivocation is dissimulation - making things appear different to their true character - and dissimulation lies at the heart of the homosexual psyche.   The male homosexual may present himself as either a woman or a man.   In both persona he is deceiving himself and those about him.  Physically he is not, and cannot be, a woman.    Mentally, and spiritually he has the potential to be a man but as a homsexual he is not truly a man, because he does not relate to other men or to women in the normal way of a man.   In his life the homosexual acts the man, or acts the woman, while not properly being either.   The homosexual  is thus an intuitive thespian, capable of assuming many different identities and portraying himself as something different to his true character.

As homosexuality has advanced to the front ranks of the political establishment, equivocation and dissimulation have become so prevalent that they are the new norm of politics in this country.   Homosexuality has not been the cause - certainly not the sole cause - of the decline in political standards, but it has been associated with, and has had the effect of accelerating and aggravating the collapse of political integrity in New Zealand.   It has reached the point where the churches and their congregations now have to choose between liberalism and Christianity.   So does the socially conservative middle class which supports the  centre-right political parties.  My expectation is that the majority of Christians and social conservatives on the political right will capitulate to the liberal tide, because while it is counter to their spiritual beliefs, it remains consistent with their perceived material interests.   "Perceived" is the operative word, because in the longer term  - which may be  measured in years rather than decades - the social conservatives in the National Party and the churches will find that the historic accommodation with liberalism brings their world crashing down about them.
 

Bringing in the reinforcements

Aaron Gilmore's replacement on the National Party list is broadcaster Claudette Hauiti, a lesbian in a civil union who "has publicly admitted that she ticks all the boxes on National's representation scale".    If Hauiti is correct in saying that she ticks "all the boxes" it would appear that the National Party lacks a "box" for normal husbands and wives doing normal jobs and bringing up children in the normal way.  More importantly, it means that there is no box labelled "humility".   That comes as no surprise after the nation has been exposed to the arrogant and unseemly behaviour of Aaron Gilmore.     As the homosexual faction extends its influence within the National Party, we can expect "gay pride" will be manifest as homosexual vanity and arrogance of the kind expressed by Ms Hauiti, and the doctrine promoted by Stephen Rainbow - that homosexuals are not just the equals of heterosexuals, but are actually superior - will gain more traction.
 

Mopping up the opposition.

The parliamentarians who voted for the Marriage Amendment Bill were anxious to assure the public that it will have great beneficial consequences for homosexuals, and few or no adverse consequences for society at large.   Those assurances may be taken with a grain of salt.   The reality is that the law change will bring no lasting or profound benefits for the homosexual community, but it will seriously disrupt and undermine the existing socio-political system in this country.   The immediate consequence will be a sense of liberal hubris and homosexual triumphalism giving rise to renewed attacks on social conservatives,  and religious traditionalists.

The first shot in this new offensive has been fired by the Charities Commission, which has removed the charitable status of the FamilyFirst organisation on account of its opposition to the incorporation of homosexuality into the institution of marriage.   The Commission argued that FamilyFirst was a political organisation which used "propaganda" and "indoctrination" to advance its cause.     Propaganda is "information, especially of a biased or misleading nature, used  to promote a political cause or point of view" to indoctrinate is to "teach (a person or group) to accept a set of beliefs uncritically".    The Charities Commission thus implies that FamilyFirst has been biassed and misleading, and has encouraged uncritical thinking, yet the Commission has offered no evidence of bias, misleading information, or uncritical thinking to support this allegation.   As it happens, the Charities Commission will never be able to proffer evidence to support the claim of bias, misleading information, and lack of critical thinking, because in doing so it would be forced to reveal its own bias in favour of homosexuality and homosexual organisations which it continues to support and endorse as charitable organisations.  The Commission's claim of bias simply reduces to the simple fact that on the questions of homosexuality and marriage the Commission has a contrary view to FamilyFirst.

The Commission does, despite itself, go some way to revealing the real reason why it has deregistered FamilyFirst.   It says that the views promoted by FamilyFirst are "controversial.. in contemporary New Zealand society".   By "controversial views" the Commission means "minority views".  It is telling that the Commission waited until after the parliamentary vote on homosexual marriage before announcing the decision to deregister FamilyFirst.    There were two reasons for the three month delay in publishing the decision.  First was that the Commission wanted to avoid creating a backlash of sympathy for FamilyFirst which could have had an effect on the political process before the parliamentary "deliberations" were concluded.   Second, the Commission wanted to see how the numbers stacked up in parliament so that it could be sure that it was clearly on the "winning side" before taking a public stand against FamilyFirst.

The way that the issue of homosexual marriage has been approached by New Zealand  politicians, government departments, mass media, and quangos like the Charities Commission will concern those who truly believe in freedom of speech and opinion.    Those who wield power in society have come to a consensus on homosexual "marriage", and have determined to suppress and punish contrary points of view.   Early in this debate, I described this phenomenon as the spectre of liberal bigotry which will become more firmly entrenched within the political establishment as it advances into the brave new era of "gay marriage".   FamilyFirst will not be the last to feel the wrath of the liberal establishment.

For FamilyFirst however, punitive measures such as deregistration will not be a bad thing.  The organisation has been constrained by both its charitable inclinations and its charitable status.  It has chosen not to criticise homosexuals or politicians.   It has instead limited itself to advancing  positive arguments in favour of traditional marriage.  That has been an ineffective way of combatting the designs of militant homosexuals, morally ambivalent religious leaders, and corrupt politicians.   Now that FamilyFirst has been cast adrift by the state, it has the opportunity to realign itself with those in the community who feel deep anger at the arrogance and  selfishness of homosexual politicians.   Anger, of course, is not the way forward, but understanding the nature of that anger, and dealing with its cause, is a necessary step in the criticism of state-sponsored homosexuality.   FamilyFirst is now completely free to speak truth to power, and we can only trust that it will continue to do so.
 

"Softening up" for the next offensive

The Dominion Post 23 May 2013 carried the story that "An 18-year-old girl faces felony charges that she had sexual contact with her 14-year-old girlfriend leading gay rights advocates to say she is being unfairly singled out for a common high school romance because she is gay..".   The article, which is clearly sympathetic to the accused Kaitlyn Hunt, reports that "A 'Free Kate' Facebook page has generated more than 30,000 followers and an on-line petition.. has more than 100,000 signatures".

When homosexual marriage was first mooted in this country, some opponents were suggesting that group marriage would be the next social  innovation to be
promoted by homosexuals.  It is now apparent that will not be the case, and that instead media pressure will build around allowing homosexuals sexual access to boys and girls under the age of 14 years.  Much will be made of the arbitrary nature of the age of consent, and as in the homosexual marriage debate words such as "love" and "romance" will be used to deceive the New Zealand public into granting the desire of homosexuals for unfettered sexual contact with persons of all ages.

Over the past thirty years homosexual law reform in New Zealand has advanced by a classic Fabian strategy of successive supposedly "modest" and reasonable  demands.   First toleration, then decriminalisation, followed by sympathetic advocacy, civil union, and homosexual marriage, with the homosexuals insisting at each stage in the process that no further demands would be made.  The Dominion Post article is the start of the "softening up" process which will precede a new  demand for legalisation of homosexual acts between men and boys.   At this point the Dominion Post is only suggesting the legitimation of sexual acts between adult and juvenile females who are separated in age by just a few years, but once this chink in the law has been opened, it will necessarily be widened to include male homosexuals, and the permitted age distinctions will be progressively increased.   How many years before a slightly inebriated (or severely intoxicated as the case may be) Maurice Williamson is heard  declaiming in parliament "If a man loves a boy, and a boy loves a man, what harm can there be in that?"?.

The New Zealand public has been deceived into thinking that simple humanity requires them to allow the gratification of all homosexual desires.   They will learn, to their cost, that the gratification of those desires has no limit short of the total destruction of the social order.

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